张咏

• 1:美国密苏里大学新闻系

摘要(Abstract)：

本文探讨了现代新闻思想如何在20世纪之交的中国形成,并特别关注梁启超的新闻话语的历史形成。本文首先概述了晚清时期不同的新闻实践和新闻思想。面对这些关于新闻的竞争性话语,梁启超在中国传统儒家思想和西方民主报刊理论的影响下,提出并发展了一种新闻理论,将报社想象为加强民族意识的民族机构,从而有助于促进国家的现代化进程。他定义了新闻报纸的两个改革功能:加强统治者和被统治者之间的沟通,以及作为公众利益的守护者。因此,记者要把他们的工作看作是一种志业,一种新的履行儒家责任的召唤。通过讨论关于自由、责任和其他更广泛的问题,梁启超的话语提供了道德涵义,其意义超越了他所在的时代。

关键词(KeyWords)： 梁启超;晚清报社;儒家思想;现代化;新闻理论

Abstract:

Keywords:

基金项目(Foundation):

作者(Author): 张咏

DOI: 10.16602/j.gmj.20210009

参考文献(References)：

• ① William B.Gallie,“Essentially Contested Concept,” Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society,41 (1956):167-198.According to Gallie,an essentially contested concept involves ongoing disputes and continuing disagreements over its definitions and uses between rival ideological groups.“Journalism” is such as a concept because,first of all,commonly accepted criteria of its application are weighted differently by different ideological groups,and certain criteria viewed as central by one group are rejected or rejected as improper or marginal by others.Second,discussions and arguments about its definition and application turn on more fundamental issues such as democracy and freedom,but a full and conclusive definition is often unlikely.For Chinese intellectuals in the late Qing,some believed that journalism should function as mass education and mobilitization;for others,this is less important than providing fact-based information;still others considered journalism as a means to be away from hopeless politics.These disagreements proliferated further when the associated concepts such as “objectivity,” “press freedom,” “professionalism,” appeared and required further elucidation,which exposed further disagreements among those contesting the concept of journalism.
• ② The ten newspapers and journals Liang had chief edited include:Zhongwei jiwen (1895),Shiwubao (1896),Qingyibao (1898),Xin Zhongguo bao (1900),Xinmin congbao (1902),Zhenglun (1907),Guofeng (1910),Yongyan (1912),Da Zhonghua (1915),Gaizao (1920).See Mei Hai,“Liang Qichao baokan shengya shimo” (The journalistic career of Liang Qichao),Liang Qichao yanjiu (Journal of Liang Qichao Studies),1 (1988):4-5;Fang,Hanqi,Zhongguo xinwen shiye tongshi (A General history of Chinese journalism) vol.1 (Beijing:People's University Press,1992),557.
• ③ See,Lin Yutang,A History of the Press and Public Opinion in China (Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1936).
• ④ See Andrew Nathan,Chinese Democracy (New York:Knopf,1985),45-65;Leo Ou-fan Lee and Andrew Nathan,“The Beginnings of Mass Culture:Journalism and Fiction in the Late Ch'ing and Beyond,” in David Johnson,Andrew Nathan and Evelyn Rawski,eds.Popular Culture in Late Imperial China (Berkeley:University of California Press,1985),360-395.Recent Chinese scholarship on Liang Qichao and his journalistic ideas include,but not limited to,Hu Taichun,Zhongguo jingdai xinwen sixiang shi (The history of modern Chinese journalistic ideas),(Shanxi:Renmin Press,1987),88-102;Zhang Yuren,Ziyou de lixian:Zhongguo ziyou zhuyi xinwen sixiang shi (The adventure of liberalism:A history of Chinese liberal journalistic ideas),(Yunnan:Renmin Press,2002),120-133;Zhang Kun,“Liang Qichao de zichanjieji dangbao lilun he chuban ziyou guan,” (Liang Qichao's party press theory and his comments on freedom of press),Xinwen yanjiu ziliao 51 (1990),196-208;Fang,xinwen shiye,974-976.
• ⑤ Ibid.Also see Ge Gongzhen,Zhongguo baoye shi (The history of Chinese press) (Shanghai:Commercial Press,1927).
• ⑥ Frank L.Mott,foreword to Comments on Journalism,by Liang Qichao,trans.James Shen (Columbia,Press of the Crippled Turtle,1953),i.Shen was a Chinese graduate from the University of Missouri School of Journalism,where Frank Mott served as dean of the School.In “Translator's Preface,” Shen,using Lin Yutang's word,labeled Liang Qichao “the prince of Chinese journalists” who “served as the conscience of Chinese journalism—and indeed;of the whole nation.” The book was translated and published in 1953,more half a century after Liang first wrote about journalism.Liang's journalistic ideal indeed has remained influential in China throughout the twentieth century.
• ⑦ For example,Modern China devoted a whole issue to the discussion,with historians including Frederic Wakeman,William Rowe,Richard Madsen,Philip C.C.Huang and Mary Rankin.See Modern China 19,no.2 (1993).Leo Ou-fan Lee,in a widely-read article,argues that the Habermasian concept of public sphere,based on European experiences,does not suffice to explain the complex formation of Liang's vision on new journalism and literature.He argues that Liang initiated a national imaginary rather than a public sphere for Chinese audience.See Leo Ou-fan Lee,“Wanqing wenhua,wenxue he xiandaixing” (Culture,literature,and modernity in the late Qing,” in Zhongguo daxue xueshu jiangyan lu (Collections of Lectures in Chinese Universities II) (Guangxi:Guangxi Normal University Press,2002).
• ⑧ Xu Jilin,“Jindai Zhongguo de gonggong lingyu:xingtai,gongneng yu ziwo lijie” (Public sphere in modern China:patterns,functions and self-understanding),Shilin 71,no.2 (2003).
• ⑨ Mencius (371—289 B.C.),in the Book of Mencius,emphasized the ruler's responsibility in tending to the welfare of people as a means of ensuring social stability.His idea,originally focusing on the ruler,was later appropriated by political theorists throughout Chinese history to mean people-based politics.Liang Qichao,following former late Qing reformists,appealed to Mencius' theory of minben (primacy of people) to create his own political ideal:the unification of ruler and rule through effective communication between them,and popular participation in the political process mobilized by the press.More discussion on this,see Xu Jilin,“Public sphere in modern China;” Joan Judge,“Public Opinion and the New Politics of Contestation in the Late Qing,1904—1911,” Modern China 20,no.1 (January 1994):64-91.
• ⑩ Natascha Vittinghoff,among a very few,has paid attention to the social formation of Liang's journalistic ideal.She especially focuses on how the Qing government reacted to the newly emerged modern press by attempting to join the public forum and establishing its own official enterprises in the press market.VIttinghoff argues that Liang constructed a new vision of journalism as an effort to repudiate the authoritarian governmental press.See Natascha Vittinghoff,“Unity vs.Uniformity:Liang Qichao and the Invention of a ‘New Journalism’ for China,” Late Imperial China 23,no.1 (2002):91-143;Also,“Readers,Publishers and Officials in the Contest for a Public Voice and the Rise of a Modern Press in Late Qing China (1860—1880),” T'oung Pao 87,no.4-5 (December 2001),393-455.
• (11) Fang,Xinwen shiye,430.For a complete list of the foreign language newspapers and biographies of their editors and publishers,see Frank H.King and Prescott Clarke,A Research Guide to China-Coast Newspapers,1822—1911 (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1965).The English-language newspapers published during this period include influential ones such as North-China Herald (1850—1951),North-China Daily News (1864—1951),Shanghai Evening Post Mercury (1867—1949),Shanghai Mercury (1879—1930),Celestial Empire (1874—1929),all in Shanghai;Chinese Times (1886—1891) and Peking and Tientsin Times (1894—1941) in Tianjin;China Times (1902—1911) in Beijing;Daily Press (1857—1941),China Mail (1845—1974) and Hongkong Telegraph (1881—1911) and South China Morning Post (1903—present) in Hong Kong.Although these papers mainly served the foreign communities on the China coast,some Chinese scholars and officials were also regular readers of the foreign-language newspapers.Lin Zexu,a commissioner who was responsible for precipitating the Opium War,was the first Chinese official to direct attention to the Western newspapers.In the 1890s,Zhang Zhidong,governor of Hunan and Guangdong,organized a translation bureau to translate those newspapers as a means of broadening the outlook of the Chinese officials and literati class.
• (12) Roswell Britton,The Chinese Periodical Press,1800—1912 (Shanghai:Commercial Press,1933),127.
• (13) Leo.Oufan Lee & Andrew Nathan,“The Beginnings of Mass Culture:Journalism and Fiction in the Late Ch'ing and Beyond,” in D.Johnson,A.J.Nathan,& E.S.Rawski (Eds.),Popular Culture in Late Imperial China (Berkeley:University of California Press,1985),372.
• (14) Fang Hanqi,Zhongguo jindai baokan shi,4th edition (The pre-1911 history of Chinese journalism),(Taiyuan:Shanxi Education Press,1991),19.For the later development of the missionary newspapers in China,see Ku T'ing-Ch'ang,The Protestant Periodical Press in China (Peking:Yenching University School of Journalism,1938),reprinted from Digest of the Synodal Commission XI,no.3 (March 1938).
• (15) Fang,Xinwen shiye,810.
• (16) For Liang's contact with Allen's writings,see Adrian Bennett,Missionary Journalist in China:Young J.Allen and his Magazines,1860—1883 (GA:Athens,1983),58,250;Philip Huang,Liang Chi-Ch'ao and Modern Chinese Liberalism (Seattle:University of Washington Press,1972),33;Liang Yuansheng,Lin Lezhi zaihua shiye yu “Wanguo gongbao” (Young Allen in China:His careers and the Wanguo Gongbao) (Hong Kong:Chinese University of Hong Kong Press,1978),139-142.Lin Lezhi was the Chinese name of Young Allen.
• (17) Liang Yuansheng,Lin Lezhi,141.
• (18) Timothy Richard,Forty-five Years in China (London:T.Fisher Unwin Ltd.,1916),255;William Soothill,Timothy Richard of China (London:Seeley,Service & G.Ltd.,1926),218-219.
• (19) Historians,both Chinese and Western,have produced numerous studies on Shenbao.For example,Yao Gonghe,Shanghai baoye xiaoshi (An introductory history of Shanghai press),(Shanghai:Commercial Press,1917);Ma Yingliang et al.“chuangban chuqi de Shenbao” (Beginning of Shenbao),Xinwen yanjiu ziliao 1 (August 1979):133-142;Xu Zaiping and Xu Ruifang,Qingmo sishinian Shenbao shiliao (Historial materials on Shenbao's forty years in the late Qing) (Beijing:Xinhua Press,1988);Song Jun,Shenbao de xinshuai (The rise and fall of Shenbao),(Shanghai:Shanghai Social Science Press,1996);Ma Guangren,Shanghai xinwen shi (History of shanghai journalism) (Shanghai:Fudan University Press,1996),57-71;Barbara Mittler,A Newspaper for China?Power,Identity and Change in Shanghai's News Media (1872—1912),(Cambridge,MA:Harvard University Press,2004);Rudolf G.Wagner,“The Shenbao in Crisis:The International Environment and the Conflict between Guo Songtao and the Shenbao,” Late Imperial China 20,no.1 (1999):107-138;Rudolf Wagner,“The Early Chinese Newspapers and the Chinese Public Sphere,” European Journal of East Asian Studies 1,no.1 (2001):1-33.
• (20) “Lun geguo xinbao zhi she” (On the establishment of newspapers in various countries),Shenbao,18 August 1873,1.See also,Ge,Zhongguo baoye shi,13.
• (21) Historians have agreed that Shenbao was the first newspaper that propounded the journalistic notion of “youwen bilu”-meaning,“all the news we hear is fit for print”—for Chinese journalism.First appearing in an article defending Shenbao's coverage of the case of Yang Naiwu (Shenbao,April 18,1876),the term of “youwen bilu” was further elaborated in an 1883 editorial defending its coverage of the Chinese-French War:“We don't know where the message came from,but it has been circulated among the officialdom…Whether it is true or false,it is not our responsibility to tell the readers.We published it based on our principle of recording everything we hear and letting readers to make the judge” (Shenbao,June 10,1883).This idea,adopted by many newspapers of the late Qing,became highly contested in the 1920s and 1930s.For a more detailed discussion on this concept,see Ning Shufan,“‘youwen bilu' kao” (On ‘youwen bilu’),Xinwen yanjiu ziliao 34 (1986):95-113.
• (22) Mittler,A Newspaper for China,173-242.
• (23) Ibid.,108-13.
• (24) Lin,Press and Public Opinion in China.
• (25) Fang,Xinwen Shiye,936-938.
• (26) For studies on the entertainment papers,see Zhu Junzhou,‘Shanghai xiaobao de lishiyange’ (The historical development of Shanghai tabloids),Xinwen yanjiu ziliao,42 (1988) 171-75;A Ying,“wanqing xiaobao lu” (historical records of small papers in late Qing),in Yang Guanghui et al.eds.,Zhongguo jindai baokan fazhan gaikuang (A sketch of the Chinese pre-1911 press) (Beijing:Xinhua Press,1986),113-150.
• (27) Catherine Yeh,“A Public Love Affair or a Nasty Game?The Chinese Tabloid Newspaper and the Rise of Opera Singer as Star,” European Journal of Asian Studies 2,no.1 (2003):13-51.
• (28) Chen Yushen,Wanqing baoye shi (History of late Qing press),(Jinan:Shandong huabao Press,2003),288,292.
• (29) Vittinghoff,“Unity vs.Uniformity,” 104.
• (30) Goodman,Bryna,“Networks of News:Power,Language and Transnational Dimensions of the Chinese Press,1850—1949,” The China Review 4,no.1 (Spring 2004):2-9.
• (31) Lin,Press and Public Opinion in China,78-80.
• (32) For an elaboration on Wang Tao's ideas on Chinese journalism,see Paul Cohen,Between Tradition and Modernity:Wang Tao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge,Mass.:Harvard University Press,1974),74-81;Natascha Vittinghoff,“Dunku feimin:Xianggang baoye xianfeng-Wang Tao” (The Ne′er-do-well in a Hidden Cave:Wang Tao (1828—1897) As Pionier in the Hongkong Newspaper Business),trsl into Chinese by Yang Jiarong,in Lin Qiyan & Huang Wenjiang eds,Wang Tao yu jindai shijie (Wang Tao and the modern world),(Hong Kong:Education Publication Ltd.,2000),313- 336.
• (33) Wang Tao was also a regular contributor for Shenbao;he wrote not only essays and political commentaries but also editorials for Shenbao.In 1878,he published an article that deliberated on the role of newspapers as a communication network connecting different parts of the country.See Wang Tao,“lun ge sheng hui cheng yi she xinbaoguan” (On the need to establish newspapers in all provinces,counties and cities),Shenbao,19 February 1878.
• (34) Seungjoo Yoon,“Literati-Journalists of the Chinese Progress (shiwubao) in Discord,1896—1898,” in Rebecca Karl and Peter Zarrow (Eds.),Rethinking the 1898 Reform Period:Political and Cultural Change in Late Qing China (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,2002),48-76.
• (35) The conservative side claimed that the primary duty of the missionaries was to save people through propagating Christianity but not to spread secular knowledge.They argued that the Western scientific knowledge was not the prerequisite for the Chinese to accept Christianity;instead,the Chinese could be saved through Jesus Christ and the power of the gospels.The discussion was intensified during the Conference of Christian Missionaries held in Shanghai,1877.
• (36) “Allen to Dr.E.H.Myers,December 9,1868,” Southern Christian Advocate,26 February,1869.Cited in Bennett,Young Allen,60.
• (37) Ibid.,59.
• (38) “Allen to Atticus Haygood,July 28,1879,” Cited in Bennett,Young Allen,64.
• (39) Jiaohui xinbao (Chinese church news),18 June,1874:315-16.Jiaohui xinbao,edited by Young Allen,was the forerunner of Wanguo gongbao.
• (40) Bennett,Young Allen,64-65.
• (41) See Wangguo gongbao,19 December,1874,219b;26 December,1874,233b;13 March,1875,369;17 May 1879,509b;19 June 1880,394;30 October 1880,106.
• (42) Timothy Richard,Wanguo gongbao,17 December 1881,163.
• (43) Ernst Faber,Wanguo gongbao,30 September 1876,96-97.
• (44) Young Allen,Wanguo gongbao,18 September 1875.
• (45) Ernst Faber,“xinwenzhi lun” (On newspapers),zixi cudong (Civilization:East and West),(Shanghai:American Presbyterian Mission Press,1875),chapter 8.This article was also published in Wanguo gongbao,4 February 1884.
• (46) Ibid.
• (47) Ibid.
• (48) “Lun xinwen ribao guanshi” (On newspaper organization),Shenbao,24 January 1875.
• (49) “Shenbao yuanqi” (The purpose of Shenbao),Shenbao,6 May 1872.
• (50) “Dibao bieyu xinbao lun” (On the difference between the Dibao and the new papers),Shenbao,13 July 1872,1;“Geguo xinbao zhishe” (On the establishment of newspapers in various countries),Shenbao,20 July 1873,1.
• (51) Shenbao openly addressed a readership inclusive of merchants,from its very early editorial announcement.See “lun Zhongguo jingbao yiyu waiguo xinbao” (On the difference between the Chinese Jingbao and the Western newspapers),Shenbao,18 July 1873,L2,3-4.
• (52) “lun benguan zuo benbao yi” (On the purpose of establishing this newspaper),Shenbao,11 October 1873.
• (53) For discussions on Shenbao's “letter to the editor,” see Mittler,A Newspaper for China.
• (54) “Benguan tiaoli” (Our company's regulations),Shenbao,30 April 1872.Similar statements appeared repeatedly in announcements and editorials.For example,“Benguan zishu” (Statement from our company),Shenbao,8 May 1872;“Benguan gaobai” (Announcement by our company),Shenbao,16 May 1872;“Benguan zishu” (Self-explanation of our company),Shenbao,20 May 1872.
• (55) “Bo xianggang xibao lun shenbao shi” (Refuting the discussions of Shenbao by Western papers in Hong Kong,” Shenbao,25 December 1874.
• (56) “Xuan xinwen zhi cheng shu shuo” (On selecting newspapers to make a book),Shenbao,28 March 1877.
• (57) “Benguan gaobai” (Annoucement by our company),Shenbao,30 April 1872.
• (58) Shenbao tongxun,no.1-2 (1947):22.
• (59) Mittler,A Newspaper for China.
• (60) Those newspapers were called xiaobao originally because their standard size,set by Youxi bao,was half of the regular newspapers such as Shenbao.With one sheet folded into two pages in a square shape,these papers were also called fangxing bao,or square paper.It was printed in number 4 font with separators between the lines for easy reading.Later,the particular size of the papers varied,but they maintained their small format.But the term of xiaobao acquired a demeaning connotation of “mosquito papers” or “tabloid newspapers” in the early twentieth century.
• (61) See “Lun Youxi bao zhi benxi,” (On the purpose of Youxi bao),Youxi bao,25 August 1897.
• (62) Ibid.
• (63) See Yeh,“A Public Love Affair or a Nasty Game.”
• (64) Youxi Bao,25 August 1897.
• (65) Ibid.
• (66) “Zoushe yinshua guangbao jupian” (A memorial to the throne:propose to publish an official newspaper),(n.p.,1907).Reprinted in Zhang Jinglu,Zhongguo jindai chuban shiliao,er bian (Historical materials on modern Chinese publishing,vol.2) (Shanghai:Qunlian Press,1954),33-34.
• (67) Ge,Zhongguo baoxue shi,22.
• (68) Ibid.,20.
• (69) Cited in Britton,Chinese Periodical Press,104-105.
• (70) Li Duanfen,“Zouqing tuiguang xuexiao sheli yiju baoguan zhe” (A memorial to the throne:propose to establish schools,translation bureaus,and newspapers organizations),(n.p.,1896).Reprinted in Zhang Jinglu,jindai chuban shiliao,3-8.
• (71) Ibid.,7.
• (72) Ibid.,4.
• (73) Sun Jiding,“Gai Shanghai Shiwubao wei guanbao zhe” (A memorial to the throne:to transform Shanghai Shiwubao into an official newspaper),(n.p.,1898).Reprinted in Zhang Jinglu,Zhongguo chuban shiliao bubian (Historical materials on modern Chinese publishing,supplement) (Beijing:Zhonghua shuju,1957),54-57.
• (74) Ibid.,55-56.
• (75) The term of “siwen bailei” first appeared in Cixi's well-known edict issued in October 1899,which prohibited publishing newspapers.This edict marked a significant change in late Qing press policy.The edict was cited in Fang,Xinwen shiye,952.
• (76) “Beiyang guanbao xu,” (Preface to Beiyang guanbao),Beiyang guanbao 1 (1901),1.Reprinted in Zhang Zhihua ed.Zhongguo xinwen shiyeshi wenxuan 724-1995 (Selections of historical materials on Chinese journalism,724-1995) (Beijing:People's University Press,1999)104-105.
• (77) For a detailed discussion on the journalistic ideas articulated by early reformers,including Kang Youwei,Tai Sitong,Yan Fu and some others,see Zhang Yuren,Ziyou de lixian,91-120;Hu Taichun,Jindai xinwen sixiang,53-87.
• (78) Zhang Yuren,Ziyou de lixian,120.
• (79) Liang Qichao criticized Yan Fu's writings as “sedulously seeking profoundness and elegance by emulating classical early Qin style,” thus “those who did not read many classics would not be able to understand.” See Liang Qichao,“Yiyin zhengzhi xiaoshuo xu,” (Preface:translating and publishing political novels),Qingyi bao 1,23 December 1898.Yan Fu,in response,argued that Liang Qichao's editorial writings,“using vernacular language and taking words from unlearned people on the street and in the countryside as a matter of convenience,are putting Chinese culture to death rather than leading a cultural and literary revolution.” See Yan Fu,“Yu Liang Rengong lun suoyi ‘Yuanfu’ shu” (Discussion with Liang Qichao on the translation of ‘Wealth of Nations’),Xinmin congbao 7 (May 1902).
• (80) In a famous article,Liang em